At a superficial level, American suburbs have reached a point of inflection in terms of their dependency on automobiles. The past decade has introduced mandatory sidewalk ordinances
within many (if not most) metropolitan jurisdictions, as well as an expansion of mass transit into many of the newer, fast-growing exurbs. But these initiatives are just a drop
in the bucket. Suburban America
typically remains an overwhelmingly auto-oriented place. And since I try my utmost to remain a
moderate voice in the matter, I’m not fully critical of this condition:
suburban living offers a character and quality of life that appeals to the vast
majority of Americans, even as urban living has emerged as a fashionable
counterpart to the suburbs for select demographic groups.
Regardless of the suburbs’ many merits, walkability is not
usually one of them. The older,
streetcar-oriented suburbs in most of the Northeast and parts of the Midwest
share a certain design that generally accommodates other means of getting
around than the car. But this
condition is more a product of these “inner ring” suburbs’ age, rather than a
deliberate configuration to appeal to the market. Suburbs from up to about 1930 still enjoy a core density
that encourages walking simply because cars were not yet ubiquitous at the time
these communities arose from the farmlands. But in almost all suburbs built after the Second World
War—after Euclidean zoning and separation of uses became de rigueur for cities old and new—the built form of roads, houses
and commercial buildings has fully supported the car. In the vernacular of urban planners, “suburban” as an
adjective is almost synonymous with “car-centered”. The conflation of these two labels has spread into the
lexicon of your Average Joe and Jane. It’s likely that, whether intentionally or not, most people’s
application of the word “suburb” refers to a place in which movement by some
other means than a car is difficult, if not impossible.
As I alluded to those sidewalk ordnances and transit
expansions, the last decade or so has brought us a bit of a pushback. Encouraged in part by wildly
fluctuating oil prices (which typically have increased faster than household
incomes) but even more by the escalating and seemingly insurmountable public
health concern of widespread obesity, more and more suburban communities are
attempting to integrate land use patterns and developments that encourage (or
at least accommodate) access by means other than those four wheels and an
engine. Ambitious developers are increasingly
willing to cut their teeth on innovative, spatially efficient commercial and
retail projects, even in suburbs where land is cheap and plentiful. More often than not, the community
itself resists, claiming higher levels of vehicular congestion by trying to
cram a 500,000 square foot project into a quarter acre through the stacking the
both the stores and the parking lots, rather than allowing them to sprawl
across multiple football fields.
It’s hard not to spot the irony in these objections, since one of the
main reasons the developers (and usually the City itself) support these designs
is its efficiency of land use. It
takes up less space, so it’s closer to adjacent uses (housing, offices, parks,
other retail), and by taking up less space, it requires shorter distances to
access, making it easier to reach by bike or foot.
So how well do these experiments in consumerism work? Judging from one interesting example in
suburban Cleveland, it’s still a mixed blessing.
This unconventional shopping center sits along the south
side of the arterial Cedar Road in University Heights, an affluent suburb in
which the majority of the houses pre-date 1970. Located about nine miles east of Cleveland’s downtown, University
Heights emerged as a significant bedroom community during the Depression, and it
continued its steady growth through the 1960s. By 1980, the small city had begun to decline in population,
a phenomenon that has recurred in every subsequent decade. Most of the decrease has been
relatively small (less than 5%) and the economic conditions of the suburb
(median household incomes over $70,000) scarcely suggest that the population is
systematically abandoning its housing stock. It’s still a desirable place to live. More likely than not, University Heights
has shrunk because of the general decline in household size over the last forty
years. But it’s not a big place:
only 1.8 square miles, hemmed in by other incorporated suburbs on all sides,
and almost completely built out.
Given the city’s decline in population to about 13,500 from its 1970
peak at 17,000, city leadership must devise creative solutions to retain a
stable tax base. Thus emerged what
the City hoped would prove a cash cow: a new regional shopping center.
Fifteen years ago, the southeast corner of Cedar Road and Warrensville
Center Road hosted a standalone Kaufmann’s department store in a mostly
windowless block building, surrounded by an ocean of parking. An old photo (back when it was still The May
Company) shows the alignment. The
developers at Providence-based Starwood Wasserman bought the property in 2000
from Royal Ahold, and while the original plan simply to integrated the Kaufmann’s
into a new, two-story shopping center, the central location and favorable
demographics encouraged the maximization of the parcel’s potential. The developer began construction
shortly thereafter, partnering with the city, which signed a $40 million Tax Increment
Financing (TIF) deal to help fund a parking garage adjacent to the new shopping
center. The result?
A multi-level shopping center combining big boxes, inline
retail, and restaurants, by the name of University Square. It features 620,000 square feet of
leasable retail space across four floors, each of which hosts different
tenants. (The International
Council of Shopping Centers offers a more detailed history in an article
released shortly after the development’s completion in 2003.) The following Google Street View from August 2009 offers a better idea of the magnitude of
the project.
While such a vertically oriented project would scarcely
raise an eyebrow in space-challenged European or Asian cities, they are uncommon
in the US and virtually unheard of in the suburbs. Most of our suburban centers fit the typology of the old
Kaufman’s building from before 2001; that is, they include a free-standing
building surrounded by a parking lot that often comprises double the land area
of the building itself. But this
design shrewdly tucks most of the parking behind the storefronts—maximizing the
visibility of the retail space from the street level—while granting motorists
the flexibility to park on the same floor as their shopping destination of
choice through the many floors of the garage. Here’s a view of the parking garage behind the retail space
pictured in the photo above.
It appears that the garage is largely disconnected from the
shopping itself, with skybridges at every level for access. And, for those who are less invested in
a lengthy shopping experience at University Square, the western side of the
development (fronting Warrensville Center Road) offers some more conventional,
quickie off-street parking, outside the Macy’s (formerly Kaufmann’s).
By building upward, Starwood Wasserman could easily have
quadrupled the floor-area ratio, opening the possibility for significantly more
tenants, which in turn would translate to a larger tax base for the City of
University Heights than the much more inefficient one-story typology would
allow.
While the developer may have initiated this complicated deal,
I have no doubt that the city’s planners were some of the biggest cheerleaders
behind it. Without perusing
University Heights’ zoning ordinance, I’m going to assert that, even if
regulations didn’t overtly prohibit a commercial structure of this magnitude in
a relatively small parcel, the codes governing building form (parking
visibility, “setback” distance between the structure and the road, vehicular
circulation) would have put the kibosh on it. I can only imagine the number of variances necessary to pull
this off. In addition, a project
this large and unconventional probably sent the neighbors’ heads spinning: too
big for the parcel, out of character with the neighborhood, too intense of a
use for all the cars driving into it, and so forth. Such a proposal would have required a tremendous buy-in from
the citizenry. To top it off, the
developer convinced the City to help finance the garage, which obviously raised
the ante on the deal, since most multi-level garages obviously require greater
construction costs than a dirt-cheap surface lot. But the City bought into it. This public-private partnership, forged through the TIF that
financed that garage, would easily pay itself off once the property is fully
leased, through its superior assessed value and taxes collected on the tenants’
revenues. And it would provide a
huge new shopping destination, attracting visitors from well outside University
Heights’ modest borders.
But has it worked?
The Tops Supermarket that helped to christen the shopping center pulled
out years ago. Meanwhile, the
Google Streetview above showed the label for a Joann Fabrics, which has since
vacated the property. And when I
was there in the fall of 2012, the Pier 1 Imports was preparing for relocation
as well:
It looked like quite a few of the other first-floor
storefronts were vacant as well.
And, looking at University Square’s primary promotional sign
from a different angle, it sure appears that there’s plenty of room for more
tenants.
Before long, the management will have to scratch Pier 1 off
that sign as well. And as for the
parking
Completely empty.
The truth is, just ten years after its dedication,
University Square is in trouble.
And, based on my research, it never really did take off as expected. At its strongest, in the early days, it
was 80% leased, but within a few years, its vacancy level was 55%--and this was
before the recent departure of Joann Fabrics and Pier 1 Imports. By 2008, the owner, Inland Western
Retail Real Estate Trust Inc., put the entire property up for sale. No doubt the
company was trying to divest itself of a real albatross; it was already
responsible for a multimillion dollar garage repair, which, according to one
structural engineering blog, was a repeat of the catastrophic 1981 Kansas City Hyatt Regency collapse just
waiting to happen. Ostensibly,
those repairs to the parking garage are now complete, but University Square
must be at least half empty.
The development is not a complete disaster: Target, T.J.
Maxx, and Macy’s all survive—generally competently managed companies that are
weathering the persistently sluggish economy pretty well. But University Square depends on major
anchors, with relatively little space devoted to inline tenants. And few nationally recognized big boxes
are currently expanding.
Meanwhile, the ones that have departed aren’t necessarily struggling
financially; they’re just seeking greener pastures. For example, Pier 1 Imports has enjoyed a bit of a comeback
in recent years, after a difficult time at the start of the recession. As of last fall, the one at University
Square was relocating—to a plush lifestyle center called Legacy Village, about
a mile to the west in Lyndhurst:
Legacy Village opened less than a year after University
Square. Immediately catty-corner
to Legacy Village is Beachwood Place, an upscale enclosed shopping mall that
has successfully survived multiple renovations since its founding in the 1970s. Meanwhile, Severance Town Center,
another regional shopping plaza a mile northwest of University Square,
struggles with even higher vacancy rates than our featured development.
Do you think these eastern suburbs of Cleveland might be a
bit overrepresented with shopping centers? God forbid I suggest such a thing—except that I’ve repeated it
time and time again. The
oversupply of retail outlets in this country results in a commercial culture
that more or less has absolute freedom to locate wherever it sees the mostopportunity. Space for shopping centers is
abundant, resulting in significantly lower leasing rates than most other
affluent countries. And that also
means that the retailers have little incentive to experiment with unorthodox
typologies like University Square.
The place doesn’t look bad, and the developers most likely
thought out the interior design carefully, to avoid confusing visitors with an
unfamiliar architectural typology.
But it still might not be enough.
After all, the absence of setbacks through much of the development means
the only thing separating much of the building and the street is a
sidewalk. Thus, because the
structure lacks a vehicle-oriented parking lot (and access lanes) between it
and the road, it is presumably more inviting for pedestrians…except that, with
few exceptions, pedestrians cannot access the stores from the outside.
The only way for customers to access Pier 1 Imports and Foot
Locker are from the interior, coming directly from the garage:
In all likelihood, the vast majority of University Square’s
visitors will be approaching the shopping center by car, so this makes
sense. After all, University
Heights is fundamentally suburban and boomed in the 1940s and 1950s, when cars
had already emerged as the primary method of transportation. At the same time, however, all roads in
University Heights have sidewalks, the majority of intersections have
crosswalks, the residential streets virtually never end in cul-de-sacs, and the
homes themselves are close enough to one another that about five or six would
fit in an acre. In other words,
the automobile may dominate in University Heights, but it still remains much
more pedestrian friendly than the suburbs to its west—those that boomed in the
1960s and 70s.
From an urban historian’s perspective, the layout of this
inner-ring suburb is transitional—part of the evolution from the pre-vehicular
streets of Cleveland to the vast exurban residential tracks of the metro’s
easternmost purlieus. University
Square shares a bit of this transitional character. I’m not sure people know how to engage with it, since both
the primary storefront entrances and the biggest parking lots are invisible to
passers-by. It possibly could have
helped if the design had allowed for doors on both the interior (next to the
multilevel parking garage) as well as the exterior (along the sidewalk), but
that wouldn’t have appealed to tenants like Foot Locker or Pier 1, who would
then have to sacrifice valuable display space for another door, while also
accounting for a higher degree of security, due to the doubling of customer
entrances. But since University
Square lacks an identity that is affirmatively urban or suburban, it loses out
to the many more conventional, accessible shopping centers only a mile or two
away.
Barring major changes to how we buy goods, I don’t see a
very sunny forecast for this shopping center. And it certainly won’t stand as an augury for similar
vertically oriented developments in the Cleveland area. While the community around it remains generally
higher income, its population has not grown in decades. Most new development on the Metro
Cleveland East has taken place on the outside of the I-271 Outerbelt. University Heights is on the
inside. Obviously it is unfair to
use a single struggling example as an analytical representative of similar
multi-story retail across the country.
After all, I’ve visited stacked big boxes in Washington DC and Chicago
that seemed to be booming. But
they were in high-density, resolutely urban milieus, a far cry from University
Heights. The developers no doubt
expended a great deal of energy in the conception, design and negotiation for
University Square. But it just
wasn’t enough, suggesting that momentum favoring conventional, auto-oriented
design is often too great to reverse—bolstered in part by the apprehension of
retailers to sign leases, and, most importantly, by the collective wills of the
consumers that relentlessly favor the familiar.
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