In recent years, communities large and small have sought new
approaches to restore the vitality of their historic business districts. By this point, virtually everyone can
think of a municipality with an old downtown that really does feel like it’s
the center of it all: fully occupied buildings, people milling about. The success stories exist. But that doesn’t mean it’s getting any
easier. By no means are they
abundant, and, after decades of disinvestment, I suspect we’ve lowered our
standards for what constitutes a flourishing city center. A town of 10,000 with five operational
restaurants in the old downtown buildings is cause for celebration, and
rightfully so. Twenty years ago,
such conditions might have seemed unattainable.
But even a 50% occupancy rate for the old business district
has eluded many other cities and towns.
Over the decades, factors contributing to downtown disinvestment have become
increasingly complicated and the design solutions ever more nuanced. I’ve written before about the negative
influence that automobile dependency had on small towns, but it clearly isn’t
the only phenomenon that contributed to their virtual demise. The basic cadences of consumerism have
changed in the last half-century; the greater dependence on wholesale
merchandising and standardization cataclysmically altered the requisite size
and internal configuration of stores. Now much of our shopping takes place at big boxes that front
a vast parking lot. The growing dominance
of online shopping is likely to foment another retail revolution, and, if the
Internet eventually dictates how the majority of us shop, it remains to be seen
how our built environment will adapt—if it is even capable. Meanwhile, as more small towns seek to
repurpose their old commercial centers so they become a viable destination once
more, many civic leaders are finding that a well-scrubbed streetscape and a
good PR campaign just won’t cut it.
Thanks to persistent technological innovations and unforeseen
sociopolitical considerations, the very dimensions that governed good urban
design have irrevocably changed.
The most obvious manifestation of this cultural seism is the
availability of parking: since the majority of people now depend on private vehicles
to get around, will these old downtowns originally designed for pedestrians
ever be able to accommodate cars with the space they need? Is demolition of some of the old
downtown buildings the only real solution to open up more available space? And, if so, won’t the absence of those
demolished buildings create fewer opportunities for the commerce necessary to
convince people to visit the downtown in the first place? Countless municipalities of all sizes
have squared off with this conundrum, finding answers with varying degrees of
success.
A town like Bastrop, Louisiana in the photo below, benefits
at the very least from having a clearly articulated center.
It is the seat of government for Morehouse Parish, evidenced
by courthouse resting in the dead center of town. And like many towns of its size (approximately 12,000
inhabitants), older commercial buildings wrap around all sides of the central
courthouse square.
In a more heavily urbanized part of the country such as the
Lower Midwest, this configuration is the standard for county (or parish)
seats. In Louisiana, it is
comparatively rare, with three primary explanations. First of all, the more rural parts of the state have such
sparse populations that the seat of government may be less than 2,000
people—not large enough to justify a downtown with a full central square and
four blocks of perimeter commercial buildings. Some parish seats are little more than a cluster of
buildings stretching on both sides of the street near the rail depot, crowned
by a humble administrative center.
Secondly, Louisiana parishes do not always centralize the government in
a single municipality: sometimes the judiciary sits in one community and the governing
arm (usually called a “police jury” in Louisiana, just as it is in Morehouse
Parish) sits in another. The
scattering of government buildings across multiple locations in a parish
further dilutes the likelihood of businesses and administrative services
aggregating in a well-developed downtown.
Lastly, Louisiana is among the less incorporated states in the
country. A higher proportion of
governance takes place at the parish level than even most southern states,
because the state has relatively few incorporated municipalities. Compared to neighboring Mississippi,
where even the most rural counties have at least one incorporated town (and
usually two or three, if not many more), several parishes have no incorporated
areas, including the parish seat(s).
A paucity of municipalities translates to fewer city halls or other
civic buildings that typically occupy a downtown. In having most of the characteristics of a parish/county
seat, Bastrop is unusual by Louisiana standards, particularly the more rural
northern half of the state.
Downtown Bastrop is therefore more urbanized than many other
towns. It has a solid
architectural fabric to work with—maybe not as many multi-story buildings as
you’d see in a county seat in Yankee country, but the structures still front
the street and collectively form a downtown that is suitable for pedestrians
and easy to navigate.
Nonetheless, Bastrop faces formidable challenges in
revitalizing its downtown, because the prevailing economic tide in the region
isn’t just encouraging migration away from the old town center—people are leaving
the region altogether. The city’s biggest recent blow took
place in 2008, when Memphis-based International Paper Company announced the closing of its Bastrop mill, which forced over 500 workers out of jobs and no
doubt sent many ancillary businesses into retreat. Meanwhile, a number of poultry plants
in surrounding parishes closed down in the ensuing months. State subsidies managed to staunch some
of the hemorrhaging jobs by incentivizing one poultry company to purchase the shuttered factory of another,
but the census reports cannot conceal the fact that both Bastrop and its
environs are struggling: Morehouse Parish has been losing people since 1980,
and it shed 9.8% of its population in the last decade, a new high. Neighboring parishes aren’t faring much
better: East Carroll Parish to the east and Richland Parish to the southeast
have also lost population from 2000 to 2010.
Despite these hurdles, downtown Bastrop shows evidence of
streetscape enhancement projects that typically intend to add a new sheen to
downtowns. The west side of the
courthouse square particularly caught my attention:
It features a generously wide sidewalk, with a protective
wrought-iron gate stabilized by brickwork separating the pedestrian path from
the street. Healthy street trees
at equal intervals provide an additional buffer. But there’s something strange about how these are arranged,
which the above photo deliberately obscures somewhat. The next two photos, however, do not.
That’s right.
The sidewalk is at an entirely different grade than the street level,
with a difference of close to two feet.
Those gaps in the wrought-iron gate? Access points with a few stairs.
I find this bizarre, because the sidewalk is merely meeting
the elevation of the entrances to all the buildings on this block of
downtown. For some reason, the
doorways to the commercial buildings on this block of downtown Bastrop are at a
different grade from the street—different enough to require stairs for access.
Bastrop, like most of Louisiana, is not exactly a city of
rugged topography. And none of the
other blocks that front the courthouse square have such a grade change. Look at the northeast corner of the
square, for example.
Nothing unusual about the curb separating the street from
the sidewalk. (This photo also
gives me opportunity to promote two older blog posts: the 1950s-era Googie
façade to this old building recalls an essay from not so long ago on Thibodaux, Louisiana, while the probable Jewish last
name evokes an older, extensive exploration of Jewish settlements in the rural South.)
So why are the sidewalk and
the storefronts elevated on the western block? In terms of the buildings, I’ve exhausted both my gray matter
as well as Hercule Poirot’s and can’t really come up with anything; perhaps
some dusty city archives would explain the rationale for this, but it has lost
me completely. As for the
sidewalk, it obviously has to meet the buildings to provide access, but this
streetscape improvement seems a bit too au
courant to date from the same time period of the buildings. At the same time, it neglects one
crucial consideration visible in most “improved” downtowns: access for persons
with disabilities. Those little
stairs leading from the on-street parking to the sidewalk aren’t the least bit
compliant with the Americans with Disabilities Act. Fortunately, the corner crosswalk seems to be compensating
for this major oversight:
But this must be a recent modification; the cement doesn’t
even look fully dry. At least a
ramp allows people in wheelchairs access to the handful of occupied storefronts
along this block, but the lack of any further ramps means people in wheelchairs
are trapped along a sidewalk/corridor, at least until the block ends at the
next corner.
Is this observation of mine a niggling one? Absolutely. I’m not going to begin to advocate that Bastrop Public Works
should perform invasive surgery on this attractive sidewalk at this point. The engineers have made corrections to
mistakes from the past, and the sidewalk is broadly though not optimally
accessible. But the interventions
demonstrate how relatively fixed, immobile infrastructure cannot simply mould
itself to shifting cultural values.
In 1920, when downtown Bastrop no doubt was the retail/commercial
epicenter of Morehouse Parish, a sidewalk with a huge grade change posed a
burden to practically no one; you would deal with it simply by stepping
up. By today’s standards, such an
approach excludes a significant enough portion of the disabled population that
it became codified as ADA in 1990.
Now such a design is unacceptable, and even ADA has undergone modest
modifications since its enactment to accommodate other constituents previously
ignored.
I have no doubt that somewhere in America, right at this
moment, a construction team is building a publicly-supported project that a
future generation will recognize as a flawed design. It might even become unlawful. We aren’t prescient, but we should at least remain aware
that we will never fully reach our goal, because the process of achieving them
will only elicit further hurdles. And
we must temper our nostalgia for old-timey downtowns with a recognition we
really cannot go back; in many regards, we wouldn’t want to. All the words we apply—“revitalize”,
“restore”, “revert”, “return”, “reinvent”—use the Latin prefix re-, which can mean either “again” or
“backwards”. The eye must remain
on the future, not only for the sake of our evolving downtowns, but that is
where a city like Bastrop, still sore from recent job loss, can throw the rest
of its skin in the game.
6 comments:
I've never seen anything quite like this, but I've seen somewhat similar situations in other southern states. In parts of North Carolina I've noticed downtown areas that sometimes have a double curb or some sort of extra step. It's not enough to require a wall, but it's there. Could it possibly be drainage related, to keep water out of the storefronts during tropical downpours that turn the street into a river? The question then is what it built that way from the start, or was the street dug down deeper at a later time?
Thanks for your comments, Jeffrey--you're asking a lot of the same questions. This "wall" very well could be drainage related, and since it only existed on the west side of the courthouse square, that could be a perfect explanation if there's a decline in grade toward the west. To me, this was a huge mystery. North Louisiana is nowhere near as prone to flash flooding as the south, so I don't know if they'd need such huge infrastructural intervention that it would even affect the grade of the doorways to the buildings. It even occurred to me that this elevation might have its origins in helping people dismount from their horses, when this was the "favored" side of the courthouse from which to dismount. A friend of mine grew up in Bastrop, and he said that the streetscape upgrades were funded fairly recently through a state-supported Main Street Program. I'll see if I can pick his brain a little further to find out why the buildings are at such a different grade from the street.
What on Earth could anyone think at any time this would make sense. Even for sure footed walking folks. This presents so many tripping hazards it's almost funny really.
I have seen accommodations for horse, well not horse so much as Carriage, Wagon, Couch, passengers to dismount safely from the high platform of those vehicles.
I am going to use the images and see if I can draw an working idea over these to see it is possible. The will post to my Facebook and link to here with it. https://www.facebook.com/abilitv.disabilityawareness
(Jon)
Thanks for the observations. It is strange to wonder why this one block of the old town square was elevated when the others aren't. The friend of mine who grew up in Bastrop said that the people there are persistent if anything.
I know that in the Garden District of New Orleans, outside some of the ritziest houses, you can still find platforms along the curb that were intended to allow women to step up before mounting horses, in order to make it easier for them and to preserve their modesty in the process.
I have seen those step up also.
https://sphotos-a.xx.fbcdn.net/hphotos-prn1/882433_10200294071332907_1195959864_o.jpg
That is the modified corner. I think this would work much nicer. You end up with 2 ramps starting back more, and ending before the end of the building. So as to allow for a flat transition point to turn or continue in the same direction. I also moved the access port for the sewer I think it would still be on same run, but, moved it out of the way of the ramp area.
I also got rid of the annoying yellow bump areas. These kill my back if I roll over at speed. The lines I used are much easier to deal with, and do the same thing in providing warning, and traction.
I hope that image works. It is on my Facebook book now linked to this article.
You're offering exactly what I like to see--graphic demonstrations of a way to improve the conditions! I really appreciate it.
I have to offer one caveat though: those "annoying yellow bumps" have several different names, but you'll probably see them called Detectable Warning Surfaces. They may be uncomfortable for wheelchairs, but they are a tactile indicator for blind or visually impaired persons, letting them know they're leaving the sidewalk and walking into a traffic right-of-way. They are just as much a requirement of Americans with Disabilities Act as handicapped ramps, so there is little chance they'll be going away. If anything, you'll be seeing them in more and more locations.
Maybe you can invent and patent an alternative warning system that isn't so uncomfortable for wheelchair users?
Post a Comment